The social media dependency (SMD) approach borrows its roots from the media system dependency (MSD) theory. MSD approach, which is proposed by Ball-Rokeach and DeFleur in 1976, aims to describe the contingent impacts of the mass media on receptors (Ball-Rokeach, 1985; 1998). The dependency phrase refers to the two-way relationships between media, social systems, and individuals. According to MSD theory, the more the media meets the demands of individuals, the more individuals would be dependent on the media (Yang et al., 2015). The media can exert more impact on individuals as a consequence of this process. When one considers how social media have evolved since the era of web 2.0 in terms of customization and personalization, it can be argued that SMD may be the case with a considerable number of Internet users. Thus, the study of MSD needs to be extended into the realm of social media.

There is no strict definition of which individuals can be considered as social media dependent. In other words, there is no concise amount of time spent on social media that is defined as social media dependency. A similar situation is the case with social media addiction. A relativistic approach should be embraced such as building or adapting a scale on social media use while understanding individuals’ relation with the online world. Still, it must be noted that previous research argues that individuals who spend more than 5 hours online are twice more likely to suffer from depression. Moreover, social media dependent individuals are noted to spend up to 9 hours online (Jenner, 2015).

Kim and Jung (2016) explain SMD as the degree of the helpfulness of social media for fulfilling a variety of important goals in everyday life. In this sense, SMD differs from the social media addiction (SMA) approach, which is a behavioral situation that is marked by being overly concerned about social media, driven by an uncontrollable need to log in and use online social networks in a degree, that significantly impairs other important areas of life. SMA differentiates itself from SMD, and even, FOMO, in the sense that it refers to a radical situation just like any other addiction experience.

Though limited, there are a variety of studies that study the SMD approach from different perspectives. The study of Kim and Jung (2017), which examine the potential relationship between SMD and interpersonal storytelling, explains that SMD has a direct impact on individuals’ level of engagement with interactive activities on social media. In another research, Yang et al. (2015) reveal that SMD is a significant predictor of online content purchases. In the context of LGBT+, Han et al. (2019) conduct an online survey of 1391 LGBT+ individuals and find out that LGBT+ individuals with higher levels of depression and dis-identification are more likely to be dependent on social media. Additionally, researchers point out that LGBT+ who have a longer history with social media are less dependent on social media, and have better offline psychological well-being. Just as depression and self dis-identification, many other critical factors may lead to SMD-related behavior among LGBT+. These potential factors include skills and competency in with dealing with communication anxiety and FOMO inclination. In line, this study aims to assess potential relationships between SMD and communication anxiety regulation, and SMD and FOMO.

Anxiety is typically perceived as emotional and/or psychological arousal marked by feelings of worry and dread (Fitch et al., 2011). Barlow (2002) defines anxiety as a “future-oriented mood state in which one is ready or prepared to attempt to cope with upcoming negative events” (p. 1247). Besides emotional symptoms such as avoidance, forgetfulness, and confusion, signs of anxiety may show up with physical symptoms such as dizziness, muscle tension, restlessness, and headaches (Seligman, 1998).

Communication anxiety is defined as the fear individuals encounter as they anticipate or engage in a communication event (Hanley White, et al., 2015). Hanley White et al. (2015) argue that it is important for communication researchers to assess how individuals react in various communication settings when they are in a state of anxiety. Regulation plays a key role in this process, in terms of evaluating individuals’ skills in coping and managing with anxiety.

Communication anxiety is studied in various settings such as instructional communication (e.g., McCroskey & Sheahan, 1978; Su, 2021; Wombacher et al., 2017), public speaking (e.g., Ayres, 1985; Finn, Sawyer & Behnke, 2009; Fitch et al., 2011), mood management during media consumption (e.g., Zillmann, 1988; Zillmann & Bryant, 1985), health communication (Zhao et al., 2021) and organizational communication (Fuller et al., 2016). So far, there are only a few studies that treat communication anxiety from the perspective of regulation.

The primary study on communication anxiety regulation is conducted by Hanley White et al. (2015), who argue that developing a scale on anxiety regulation may potentially help professionals while diagnosing and treating communication anxiety. Despite the existence of previous related scales, such as the Emotion Regulation Questionnaire (ERQ) developed by Gross and John (2003), and Carver et al.’s (1989) self-report measure of coping strategies (COPE), Communication Anxiety Regulation Scale (CARS) aims to specifically assess individuals’ anxiety management capability during their stressful communicative experiences. Basing her study on the scale developed by Hanley White et al. (2015), Shue (2020) identifies four broad strategies for regulating communication anxiety: “cognitive reappraisal (changing one’s mindset), avoidance (not thinking about the anxiety or thinking of something else), suppression (not expressing the anxiety), and venting (expressing the anxiety or unburdening oneself)” (p. 212).

This approach remains relevant and essential for studying transgender identity from a communications perspective when one considers the fact that transgender individuals engage in various social communicative environments such as home (i.e., Norwood, 2015) and workplace (i.e., Jones, 2020) that have the potential to create the feeling of anxiousness, related with minority stress.

Content FOMO is a term that refers to the occurrence of anxiety states in times when it is impossible to engage in the social sphere mainly via electronic tools of communication (Hetz et al., 2015). The term is related to a continuous demand to be connected with social media and its users, to share updates about one’s activities as well as to receive updates from others. The underlying reason for FOMO is the belief that one might be missing rewarding experiences when they are absent from spheres of electronic communication.

Though FOMO is mainly associated with forms of electronic communication today, it is developed as a more extensive concept in the mid-1990s by Dan Herman (Wortham, 2011). Following a series of customer interviews, Herman stated that FOMO is “a clearly fearful attitude towards the possibility of failing to exhaust available opportunities and missing the expected joy associated with succeeding in doing so”. Following Przybylski et al.’s (2013) consideration of FOMO in the context of social media, the concept is treated as an element of new media studies.

Studies on FOMO have so far shown that this condition emerges when one experiences failure while meeting the psychological need for belonging (Przybylski et al., 2013). Excessive engagement in social media may distract individuals from critical social experiences in the offline world and lead them to being part of a vicious circle of escape (Turkle, 2017). The underlying motivation behind this need for escape can be related to negative moods, depression and limited satisfaction with life (Ellison et al., 2007).

Previous research explores FOMO from various perspectives. For example, Przybylski et al. (2013) explain that FOMO serves as an intermediary factor between psychological variables and social media engagement, while the study by Koban et al. (2002) reveals that COVID information FOMO during the COVID-19 pandemic contributes to daytime tiredness. In another study, Alabri (2002) states that the need to belong is the primary factor that leads to FOMO on social media, while Hunt et al. (2018) argue that limiting social media use decreases FOMO and feelings of loneliness, as well as the occurrence of depression. A study with contrasting findings is conducted by Roberts and David (2020), which points to a positive outcome of FOMO. The study explains that FOMO can have a positive impact on the well-being of an individual, if it leads to social media use that supports social connection and engagement. In that sense, Roberts and David’s (2020) study remains unique in terms of proving that FOMO does not necessarily lead to negative behaviors or outcomes. Especially in the context of marginalized and/or underrepresented communities such as transgender individuals, FOMO may result in the creation of social bonds via social media and the creation of a communal feeling. The opposite can also be the case by isolating individuals from the outside world and creating an abstract sphere where individuals do not have any physical or social connection. In that sense, it is worth exploring FOMO in terms of its relation to social media dependency.

Transgender identities are recognized in Turkey’s constitution, in the context of gender transition. In other words, the current legal recognition only embraces transsexual individuals, who desire to permanently transition to the sex or gender with which they identify, through hormone replacement therapy and sex reassignment surgery. The gender transition process is defined in the Article 40 of Turkish Civil Code under the title “Sex Change” (Türk Medeni Kanunu, 2001).

According to the code, an individual who desires to change their gender can apply in person and may request the court to permit the sex change process. An applicant is expected to be aged 18 or above and to be single in terms of marital status. Medical reports are requested which are to be received from governmental education and research hospitals, that question whether sex change is a bare necessity for the applicant’s mental health status. In other words, an individual who identifies as transgender and desires sex change must prove to government officials their struggle with gender dysphoria with requested medical reports.

Turkey’s transgender community has experienced various ups and downs since the 1980s. Bülent Ersoy, a Turkish transsexual singer, referred to as the diva of Turkish classical music, became the forerunner of social progress. Following the military coup d’état in 1980, Ersoy was banned from performing on stage alongside with other and relatively less known transsexual and gay singers, located in Turkey. At the height of her career, Ersoy lived in Germany and Australia, and returned back to İstanbul in the late 1980s, when she was granted her new national ID card as a woman and the opportunity to return back to the stage (Arslanbezer, 2021).

Despite Bülent Ersoy obtains royal status in Turkey’s society due to her outstanding vocal skills and artistic contributions, it is not easy for an ordinary transgender individual to engage in everyday life. Şahika Yüksel, a pioneer psychologist in sexual education, treatment, and research, explains in one of her interviews that many Turkish parents do not accept when their children come out as transgender, but they can appreciate someone who is a figure outside, such as a media personality. This situation is statistically proved by the findings of KONDA Research Company, which explain that the percentage of people who do not want to be neighbors with an LGBT+ individual has risen from 51,9 % to 57,2 % between 2017 and 2020 (Erem, 2021). Thus, the majority of transgender individuals, especially transgender women, who do not have access to financial resources and education are pushed to the peripheries of Turkey’s society, ghetto neighborhoods and are forced to engage in sex work. This situation is a good example of Durkheim’s (1895) social stigma theory - which was also later revisited by Goffman (1963) - that refers to the classification of a person as undesirable and be subject to societal stereotypes. It can be stated that transgender identities are stigmatized in Turkey; allowed to exist in limited social and/or mediated spheres, and mainly distant from the center of Turkey’s society.